Editor’s Note:
In the aftermath of the US capture of Venezuelan dictator Nicolas Maduro, many Americans were left with questions. Among those are “why did this happen?” And more importantly, “what happens now?”
Many of The Havok Journal’s readers are probably interested in knowing what Venezuelans themselves think about the situation. To answer that question, Havok Journal’s Matt Trevathan spoke at length with a colleague who grew up in Venezuela before fleeing to Europe to escape Venezuela’s downward spiral.
This is not simply yet another true story of socialism failing or civilians caught in the crossfire of international politics. It is the story of how Venezuela’s democratic institutions were deliberately dismantled, replaced by a criminal state sustained through repression, corruption, and fear.
This piece is significantly longer than our usual content, and is presented in interview format, with the interviewer’s questions in bold.
Author’s Note:
About a month ago, I was talking with a close friend who still lives in Venezuela. I will call him Juan Pablo to protect his identity. What started as a normal catch-up slowly turned political, and at one point, he said something that genuinely shook me.
In a sincere voice with a heavy Venezuelan accent, Juan solemnly said, “The people of Venezuela want Trump to invade and overthrow Maduro.” It was not an expression of anger, but one of hope, and of desperation. Juan paused and then told me he could never say that out loud in public. Not there. Not ever. People who speak against the government, he said, are taken by the military, and many of them simply disappear.
Juan Pablo lives about three hours from Caracas, but distance does not matter. The government’s reach is everywhere. The fear he described reminded me of stories about East Germany under communist rule. It is quiet, constant, and suffocating. He knew people who had been hauled away. Fear, hunger, and poverty were daily rivers. What I felt most clearly in his words was exhaustion. The people want change desperately, but they are trapped in a system that punishes even the thought of resistance.
But then, something changed. When news broke that Maduro had been captured by US special operations forces, Juan messaged me again. “Today we’re getting drunk and playing games,” he said happily. That might sound small, but for him it was not. For the first time in his life, he felt hope. Not just for himself, but for his country.
When we talked last night, I sent him pictures of the hallacas my wife brought home from my daughter’s roommate, who is also Venezuelan. Juan said that he had missed hallacas this year; it just cost too much to have one. I asked Juan if he would be willing to do an interview, but I also reached out to another friend of mine, Miguel, while I waited for a response from Juan. Miguel Fernandez (his real name) is a Venezuelan expatriate who now lives in Spain. Miguel is a brilliant programmer, a lifelong martial artist, and a devoted family man. He left Venezuela while Chavez was still alive, before things fully collapsed. When I asked if he would talk with me, he did not hesitate. His perspective is as eye-opening as Juan’s, and even more compelling because he can be completely open about his experiences, feelings, and hopes.
This is my conversation with Miguel.
I. Personal Background & Credibility
Were you born and raised in Venezuela?
Yes, I was born and raised in Caracas, Venezuela.
How old are you, and what years of your life were spent under Hugo Chávez and under Nicolás Maduro?
I was born in 1982. I’m 43 (soon 44) years old. When Chávez came to power in 1999, I was 17 years old. Later that year I was admitted into the Universidad Simón Bolívar, where I would study Computer Engineering. During my years there, I participated in several protests, rallies and demonstrations against Chávez´s intervention of Venezuelan universities all over the country. Student bodies all over Venezuela had been largely opposed to the government´s attempts to control academic bodies in an effort to indoctrinate Venezuelan youth. After I graduated, I worked for a few years in the country and continued to participate in peaceful demonstrations against the regime. The country had become deeply polarized and the government had become increasingly authoritarian. Crime was rampant and the police had become ever more complicit with organized crime. Kidnapping and homicide had become the norm in all major cities. It had become painfully obvious that political opposition would be met with brute repression, and the expectation of peaceful change was not realistic. I moved to Spain in 2008, while Chávez was still alive. I’ve lived in Madrid ever since. When Chávez died in 2013, I dared hope his regime would die with him, but then Maduro became his heir and repression of the political opposition continued.
Are you speaking under your real name or anonymously, and why?
I’m speaking under my real name. I live abroad and all of my immediate family has left Venezuela, so I´m fortunate enough to be able to speak my mind without fear of retaliation. It´s probably worth mentioning that I still have cousins and aunts living back in Venezuela, and they won´t dare speak against the government, whether using social media or WhatsApp. There´s much fear back there. There have been several instances of law enforcement stopping people on the streets, forcing them to unlock their phones without a warrant and illegally detaining them just because they had texted or posted messages and comments against the government.
Have you ever worked for, received benefits from, or been affiliated with the Venezuelan government or state-run institutions?
No. Never.
II. From Chávez to Maduro: Documenting Change
Based on your lived experience, what measurable changes occurred in daily life after Hugo Chávez’s death?
After I left the country back in October 2008, my mom, dad and sisters remained there. I kept in touch with them. Over the years, criminality worsened dramatically, inflation went through the roof, power and water outages became the norm, medicines became incredibly hard to come by, food scarcity became a constant, persecution of political activists and press also became the norm. It’s all been a spiral of chaos, way worse than under Chávez. Some argue that while Chávez was bad, at least there was some ideology behind his rule. Whereas with Maduro, the regime became less about a leftist revolution and more about sacking the country and making money from illegal mining and drug trafficking.
When did you personally notice conditions begin to deteriorate most sharply?
I’d say already with Chavez’s rule, after he was briefly deposed in April 2002, his government decided to become way more blatantly violent. The government started purchasing rifles and other weapons en masse for the army, but then instead of destroying the old ones as the law demanded, they decided to give the older rifles to armed gangs, with the expectation that if ever the army decided to side with the people and try to depose them again, said armed gangs would “defend the revolution”. This move was brazen and unlawful, yet it was carried out with total impunity. I guess this is when Chavez’s intention to cling to power no matter what became the most obvious.
Which problems worsened specifically under Nicolás Maduro rather than Chávez?
Corruption, inflation, crime, food scarcity, medicine scarcity and other problems were already bad enough. But under Maduro the regime progressively aligned more and more with internationally recognised bad actors. Colombian guerrillas and drug cartels, Iran and Hezbollah, Cuban intelligence, Russian mercenaries, illegal Chinese miners and more. These affiliations have been known to Venezuelans for years.
Were there warning signs that the country was headed toward collapse, and were they ignored?
Depends on which collapse we’re talking about. Venezuela has faced several collapses under Chávez and Maduro. Its democratic institutions, its currency, its stock market, its productivity and GDP, its economy and industrial capacity, its electric grid, its universities, its healthcare system, and many other things. Yes, there have been multiple signs over the years of all of these things happening. But see, during Chavez’s rule, the prices of oil went up well over 100 USD per barrel. Armed with this immense wealth over several years, the regime bought, blackmailed, silenced, exiled, killed, imprisoned, and disappeared every bit of the old republic’s checks and balances.
What was once one of the most solid democracies in America and a beacon of hope for Latin America was slowly eroded from the inside. And while all of that happened, the regime used all that wealth to fund multiple domestic welfare programs in the country, which created an illusion of progress and wealth. It also used that wealth to buy political allies in other countries, to provide diplomatic cover abroad. So while there were many, many signs, they were masked by oil wealth. The prices of oil then crashed, and the money dried up, and the people realized they were still incredibly poor and without opportunities, and the international community realized it was all smoke and mirrors, but by then it was too late. Venezuela had imploded. Its institutions sequestered, its law enforcement corrupted, its press silenced, and its economy in ruins.
III. Economic Collapse & Survival
What is your current occupation?
I work as a Lead Product Manager for a European Cloud Computing provider.
How stable is your income when measured against inflation?
Pretty stable, but I don’t live or work in Venezuela. The family and friends I still have in the country are not so lucky. Most people don’t make more than a few hundred Euros per month. Pensions are next to nothing, inflation is through the roof. More than 80% of Venezuelans live in poverty or extreme poverty. Just grab Google Maps and have a look. You’ll see huge shanty towns spread across all major cities in the country. Entire generations of Venezuelans live there, without any hope of ever being able to get an education, to consistently put food on the table, to climb a social ladder and hope for a better future for their children.
Are you paid in bolívares, U.S. dollars, or something else?
I’m paid in Euros. The relatives and friends I still have in Venezuela tell me that everyone deals in US dollars there. The government has had to just accept the hard truth that our currency isn’t worth anything. They’ve given up trying to artificially prop up the Bolívar.
How often do you struggle to afford basic necessities such as food, medicine, or transportation?
Since I don’t live in Venezuela I can only tell you that the family I still have there struggle to be able to afford their basic needs. I have a second cousin whose child became sick two years ago. The family we have abroad had to raise money amongst ourselves to wire her, so she could treat her daughter. Others are not so lucky.
Have you personally experienced food shortages, rationing, or black-market dependence?
Not me personally, but my sister did. She only moved to Spain a year ago, after her family was attacked by violent criminals on a highway and killed my seven year old niece. For years we had to wire her money and package and ship basic goods to her. For years also, my wife had to do the same for my mother in law.
Can you describe how inflation has changed your purchasing power year-to-year?
What I used to hear from my sister until she moved to Spain was that prices would often become 20-50% more expensive overnight. People who made their wages in the local currency, the Bolívar, would try to spend it all on the day, just for fear that it would be worth way less just a couple of days after.
IV. Infrastructure & State Failure
How reliable is electricity in Venezuela?
My sister tells me she could expect outages almost on a daily basis.
How frequently do power outages occur, and how long do they last?
Several hours at the time, three or four days per week.
Is access to clean water consistent?
Planned outages had become the norm. Shortages were frequent.
Have sanitation failures caused illness or forced changes in daily behavior?
Yes, there’s a time in the day in which you have to flush the toilets, do the dishes and collect water.
Do government officials acknowledge these failures, and if so, how do they explain them?
Most of the time they chalk it up to economic sanctions and US intervention. They never take any accountability for anything.
V. Education & Lost Opportunity
Did you or your peers attempt to attend college or university in Venezuela?
Yes, I was part of one of the last few generations that were fortunate enough to be able to attend a public university. See, despite its own faults, the old republic that preceded Chavez’s rule, which lasted for 40 years, invested heavily in education and built a network of public universities across the country. The Universidad de los Andes, the Universidad del Zula, the Universidad de Oriente, the Universidad Central de Venezuela, and the Universidad Simón Bolívar (which I attended) were all publicly funded, entirely free for all students, and among some of the best universities in Latin America. For years, these universities produced the much-needed professionals the country needed to flourish, but they were profoundly against authoritarian rule. When Chavez came to power, he soon started to erode their funding and infiltrate their authorities. Today, they’re all but a shadow of their former glory.
What barriers—economic, political, or institutional—prevent access to higher education?
All of them. Over 80% of Venezuela’s population lives in severe poverty. Hungry kids without shoes don’t attend school. Teachers have left the country. Basic education in the country is in ruins. Funding for Universities has been strangled and most of the professors and Ph.Ds that used to teach there, that taught me and my generation, have fled.
Are degrees from Venezuelan universities still respected or useful inside the country?
Yes, degrees from some well respected universities in the country still carry some prestige (perhaps for lack of anything else), but it’s generally accepted that those degrees are just an echo of what they once were.
Have educators left the country, and how has that affected quality?
I can tell you all the professors that taught me, many of which I still remain in touch with, have left the country.

VI. Repression, Fear & Free Speech
What happens to individuals who publicly criticize the Maduro government?
They’re illegally detained, imprisoned and tortured. They’re not given access to a lawyer nor allowed to contact their relatives.
Have you personally witnessed arrests, disappearances, or intimidation related to political speech?
No.
Do you know anyone who has been detained or “questioned” by security forces?
Yes, one of my brothers-in-law was illegally detained and kept under arrest for four years, without any charges being brought against him.
Are social media posts monitored, and do people self-censor?
Yes. The family I still have in the country won’t put anything in writing for fear of being arbitrarily detained on the street and their personal phones being unlawfully searched.
How does fear shape what Venezuelans are willing to say—even privately?
Privately, everyone I know there will still say they’re hoping for change. Publicly they won’t speak against the government, for fear of being arrested.
VII. Public Sentiment & Control
In your assessment, does the majority of the population support Maduro?
Absolutely not. Venezuelans overwhelmingly support change and the opposition, mainly in the persons of María Corina Machado, the recent Nobel Peace Prize laureate, and Edmundo González, the elected and legitimate president in 2024.
If not, why has large-scale resistance failed to remove him?
Because the Venezuelan opposition has always opted for peaceful resistance. Its leaders have always feared the threat of armed conflict and civil war scenarios like the ones that arose from the Arab Spring in northern Africa and the Middle East. The Venezuelan people are largely unarmed, and the army is way too involved in drug trafficking and other illegal activities to risk the consequences of supporting a regime change, which might eventually seek to make them accountable for their crimes.
What role do the military and security services play in maintaining control?
They are the ones largely keeping the government in place. They support their actions no matter how unlawful they might be, they persecute the opposition, incarcerate dissidents, tolerate and collaborate with Cuban intelligence elements and Russian mercenaries and more. Over the years there have been some elements of the armed forces that have risen against the government—mainly those led by Oscar Pérez and Juan Cahuaripano—but they’ve lacked the necessary scale and coordination with political leaders to succeed. Perez was eventually detained and executed on site. Cahuaripano remains in jail, and has famously been tortured with electricity on his genitalia. His parents and children have been persecuted.
Are food aid or government benefits used as political leverage?
Yes, ever since the days of Chávez. The regime has institutionalised mechanisms by which handouts of food are periodically given to families in the poorest shanty towns in Venezuela, in exchange for participating in pro-government rallies, demonstrations and votes. Public servants are also constantly threatened with being made redundant unless they appear at political rallies. The whole of the state apparatus has been turned into an instrument of propaganda.
VIII. Migration & Escape
Does your immediate family still live in Venezuela?
No. I brought my parents and one of my sisters over to Spain back in 2014, and my other sister moved here last year.
What risks do people face when attempting to leave the country?
They typically risk being extorted for money or detained upon exit.
IX. Opposition & María Corina Machado
Who is María Corina Machado, and why has she become a central figure in opposition politics?
María Corina Machado is the most prominent and charismatic political opposition leader in Venezuela. Over the years she has remained the most staunch challenge to the regime. The Venezuelan opposition has had several leaders over the past 26 years, but most have faded into irrelevance due to several reasons. Meanwhile she has stayed in the country and continued to be the voice of the opposition despite being persecuted. She has refused to find a compromise, negotiate of sell out, and that has earned her the respect and following of a people who do not want to see the regime or its leaders survive.
Do Venezuelans believe she represents real change or symbolic resistance?
I’d say most Venezuelans love her and have a firm belief that she represents the real deal. The overwhelming majority that voted for Edmundo González in 2024 only did so because she appointed him as the opposition candidate, after being arbitrarily barred from running herself. Like most Venezuelans, I’m very puzzled by president Trump’s recent statements saying she doesn’t command the respect and/or support required to lead the country. She does. If she doesn’t, nobody does.
With Maduro-aligned leadership still in place, would it be safe for her to govern or even return?
No. All the leaders of the regime must be purged. There can be no real expectation of change whilst the leaders of the regime are allowed to remain in place. They’re all criminals and should be treated accordingly. They will never allow a truly democratic government to succeed. They will sabotage it and undermine it in every possible way they can.
What do you believe would happen to her if she gained power?
Depends. If Maduro’s ministers and acolytes are removed beforehand, she has a real chance of uniting the country and ushering in a whole new era of free trade, democratic rule and prosperity. If the elements of Maduro’s regime are not removed, I think there’s a good chance she’ll be assassinated.
X. Allegations of Criminal Activity
Many international authorities accuse members of the Maduro government of drug trafficking. Are these accusations widely believed inside Venezuela?
Yes, they are. People talk. Everybody knows somebody who’s seen something or done something. It’s largely known through word of mouth, but also through the brave work of dissidents and informants who collaborate with the free press abroad, who’ve documented the regime’s tolerance of criminal gangs and drug cartels in Venezuela. There’s a reason they expelled the DEA from Venezuela all those years ago.
Have you heard firsthand accounts linking officials or military units to drug operations?
Yes, I have. I know both former military and law enforcement that knew about such activities.
What is the public perception of so-called “narco-state” allegations?
That of course those allegations are true. And this is not new. The old 4th republic used to collaborate closely with the DEA and after Chavez came to power, he expelled them. That’s no coincidence. The Venezuelan army used to combat the Colombian guerrillas. They were eventually pulled back and away from the border to give the guerrilla free rein. That’s no coincidence either.
Recent U.S. strikes targeted vessels described by some media as fishing boats. What do Venezuelans believe those boats were actually doing?
Drug boats of course. No poor Venezuelan fishermen can afford to put 3-5 engines on their fishing boats, and none would head out to sea in the middle of the night at full speed. Saying that might be the case is incredibly naive.
XI. The United States & Foreign Intervention
How do Venezuelans view the United States’ role in their crisis?
Speaking for myself and the people whose opinions I know, for over two decades we’ve been waiting and hoping that at some point the US would give us a hand in removing this criminal regime from power. I’ve heard so many opinions about international law and the rules-based international system. We don’t care about that. Venezuelans just want help returning our country to democracy and prosperity.
Do people believe U.S. sanctions target the government or harm civilians?
Sanctions hurt the regime, and they should be way harsher than they are. The regime is the one that harms civilians. Even without sanctions, the regime would continue to harm civilians. Sanctions are a good thing, but military intervention is what we’ve really been hoping for.
What would be the public reaction if Nicolás Maduro were captured or removed by outside forces?
Celebratory. For sure. I’ll tell you more. If tomorrow the US invaded and removed, imprisoned or killed the entire cabinet and other government leaders, along with the top brass of the army, they’d be welcomed as liberators.
Would temporary US or international governance be welcomed or resisted?
Welcomed, if no members of the current regime are allowed to be a part of that transition. The people would not stand for US-supported regime survival. US intervention, occupation and administration, so long as it removes the main elements of Maduro’s government, would be most welcome. Finding the balance between that and a prompt transition to democratic Venezuelan rule is the hard thing to do, but it’s doable and necessary.
How do Venezuelans feel about renewed American investment in Venezuela’s oil industry?
I think most educated Venezuelans still remember that the US helped Venezuela build its Oil industry. Oil is our main natural resource, and the old republic proved that we are capable of running and managing it properly. Getting it jumpstarted would be a lot quicker with foreign investment. My only personal reservations about this are that this investment should be made in a way that strikes the right balance between repaying the US for their generous help and investing in Venezuela’s future development. The country has been through a lot and there’s a lot that needs fixing. Investment just for the sake of foreign exploitation would not be welcome nor politically sustainable. Also, this investment should be made in a way that is respectful of Venezuela’s wildlife and environmental wealth, which is incredibly dear to us all. Venezuelans are very proud of the biodiversity and beauty of our country. I think most would agree we want to keep it that way.
XII. Final Accountability Question
If Americans could understand only one truth about how Venezuela reached this point, what would it be?
Beware of populist leaders who’d seek to polarize political debate in an effort to undermine the separation of powers, ignore checks and balances, or erode democratic institutions from within. No political ideology, leader, or goal, regardless of how much you feel the system has failed you, should be placed above the rule of law. Democracy is imperfect, but it is also the only proven way to achieve progress for any people, and while strong democracies are fairly resistant to external threats, they can still be very easily eroded from within.
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Matt is the SVP of Technology and Architecture at Nymbus, a SaaS banking provider. He has traveled extensively in the United States and overseas for business and recreation. His travels include India, Mexico, Europe, China, and Japan. Matt is a prolific writer and storyteller whose work bridges innovation, global travel, and meaningful human connection. A graduate of Mercer University with a Bachelor’s degree in Computer Science, and the holder of over 270 patents, Matt’s career spans technology leadership, creative exploration, and community engagement. His articles blend technical insight with a traveler’s curiosity, appealing to readers across technology, travel, and creative communities.
As the Voice of the Veteran Community, The Havok Journal seeks to publish a variety of perspectives on a number of sensitive subjects. Unless specifically noted otherwise, nothing we publish is an official point of view of The Havok Journal or any part of the U.S. government.
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